How they killed the rights of the terminally ill
At about 12.45 a.m. on Tuesday, 25 March 1997, the Australian Senate passed
the Voluntary Euthanasia Laws Bill to overturn the Northern Territory's
Rights of the Terminally Ill Act 1995 which had come into effect on 1 July
1996. During the brief period of the Act's existence, four people ended
their lives by medically assisted suicide: the Senate rejected an amendment
to the Bill that would have allowed a further two terminally ill suffering
patients who had completed the required procedures, to die in the manner
and at the time of their choosing. It was a victory for arrogance over
the will of the people, autocracy over personal freedom and cruelty over
compassion.
Voluntary euthanasia societies across Australia had campaigned unsuccessfully
against the Bill. They learned afterwards that they had been up against
an influential and well resourced campaign which had been unobtrusively
carried out by a newly-formed group, Euthanasia No. The inside story
of this was told in The Weekend Australian of 29/30 March 1997,
in an article by the Political Editor, Michael Gordon, under the headings
"HOLY ALLIANCE" and "How euthanasia law was sunk". Gordon wrote "...
it is the story of a network - all the principles are Catholics - its influential
connections, its singlemindedness and the tactics it employed. Moreover,
it is a case study in the art of persuasion, with subtlety, rather than
intimidation or coercion, being the secret of its success ... having a
profile so low as to be almost subterranean was an integral component of
the strategy." Kevin Andrews, author and prime-mover of the Euthanasia
Laws Bill, became "part of a network which would embark on an exercise
that, according to one of its members, became one of the most effective
political campaigns in recent history."
Euthanasia No came into being in July 1995 at a private forum
held at the NSW Parliament, when it was thought likely that New South Wales
would follow the Northern Territory's lead. "The clear consensus was
that the group was about one thing only: stopping euthanasia in New South
Wales. It was to have no profile, no newsletter and no members. Only a
result". The leading figures in its formation were Jim Dominguez, a
well-connected corporate high-flier, who became the recruiting officer,
and John Johnson, described as "the legendary fundraiser and kind of
father confessor of the NSW Right of the Australian Labour Party, a Catholic
with extremely conservative views ... euthanasia was his bête noir".
Tony Burke, a young man with impressive qualifications as a political
activist, was installed as executive director. "Burke's job was to be
the number cruncher, the public speaker, the lobbyist, the networker and
the grassroots campaigner." Thanks to the work of Dominguez, he had
an office, computer equipment, the services of two directors of a top advertising
firm, and of two leading lawyers. All were donated, as well as substantial
money. By June 1996 the original objective had been achieved through a
whirlwind series of meetings conducted by Burke throughout the State; an
article in The Australian newspaper by Dominguez, who also lobbied
for air time; and the importation of two internationally known opponents
of voluntary euthanasia. The prospect of a voluntary euthanasia Bill in
NSW had faded.
Euthanasia No was about to wind up, when Kevin Andrews, a Liberal
Member of the House of Representatives, lawyer, and secretary of the Coalition's
ultraconservative Christian group, known as the Lyons Forum, raised in
the party room the possibility of overturning the Northern Territory Act
by Federal legislation. The Prime Minister quickly announced his support
for the measure, as did the leaders of the National Party and the Labour
Party, prior to the debate in the Federal Parliament - a clear hint to
the consciences of their followers.
Twentyfour hours later, Burke arrived unannounced in Andrews' office
and offered his support. "Like the NSW campaign model, there was a singular
focus: to get the numbers in both houses of Parliament. Burke's initial
aim was to generate mail - and lots of it - from doctors and experts in
palliative care to those MPs he considered possible supporters of the [Kevin
Andrews] Bill". The Bill passed the House of Representatives on 9 December
by a majority of 88 to 33. It then went to the Senate and was assigned
to a standing committee to investigate and report. This became the focus
of the second part of the campaign. "Here", according to Gordon,
"the strategy had three elements". The first was to encourage opponents
of voluntary euthanasia to make a submission, which need only be a letter,
to the Senate committee. The second was to get groups with credibility
to make their views known in support of the Bill. The third was to brief
supporters on what to say and whom to say it to. There was a record number
of submissions, 93% of which supported the Andrews Bill or opposed voluntary
euthanasia. When the campaign started, Gordon says, there were just under
30 supporters in the Senate, out of a possible 76 votes. In the end the
Bill was passed by 38 votes to 33.
Euthanasia No is disbanding but will remobilise, according to
Dominguez, in response to any new push on the issue of voluntary euthanasia.
Voluntary euthanasia societies in Australia operate with limited resources
and rely largely on the freely given services of members. It is easy for
them to think of their opponents in comparable terms, conducting a public
debate whose outcome is to be determined by rational argument. Michael
Gordon's article has shown that it is by no means such a level playing
field.
Some clear lessons emerge from this.
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We must be aware of the substantial resources that can be assembled by
those who oppose voluntary euthanasia, and the strength of their commitment.
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Although the great majority of the public and a majority of general practitioners
favour legalising voluntary euthanasia, this will count for nothing if
sufficient politicians can be turned against it.
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The issue will not be resolved by rational argument. This is a battle against
misinformation, religious dogmatism, and the timidity of politicians in
the face of vociferous minority groups.
As this is being written, a voluntary euthanasia Bill is slowly being debated
in the South Australian Legislative Council. A letter dated 8 March 1997
from the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Adelaide "To the Priests of the Archdiocese",
enclosing useful notes, asks them to get people to write letters and lobby
local Members in opposition to the Bill.
Euthanasia No's work is already being done for it.
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